Last moment suspension of the extradition order, at least, offered a breathing space and most probably, a short-term relief for the former Finance Minister Manuel Chang. He was highly expected back in Maputo, Mozambique, to face court trial over alleged corruption and accepting huge bribe during his time as Minister of State in charge of the Ministry of Finance.
The Johannesburg High Court has ordered Justice Minister Ronald Lamola not to extradite Chang to his home country. He is accused of corruption after allegedly receiving bribes to sign off on international loans of US$2bn (£1.5bn) intended to buy fishing trawlers and military patrol boats. However, much of it was allegedly diverted to government officials. Chang denies any wrongdoing.
According to reports, the Mozambique Budget Monitoring Forum (FMO), a group of civil society organizations, halted the extradition until arguments against it can be heard. It wants the former Minister to be extradited to the United States where he is also wanted on similar charges of corruption and accepting bribes that caused huge financial losses to investors.
In a report titled “High Court orders Justice Minister Lamola to halt extradition of Manuel Chang to Mozambique”, the Mozambican anti-corruption watchdog, Forum de Monitoria do Orçamento (FMO), launched an urgent application in the Johannesburg High Court on August 24 for an order preventing his extradition, Pretoria reversed its decision.
Chang has been in prison in South Africa since 29 December 2018, when he was detained on a United States arrest warrant while on his way from Maputo to Dubai and transiting through OR Tambo International Airport. The United States then applied to South Africa to extradite him. Within days, the Mozambique government also asked South Africa to extradite him – even before he had been charged in the hidden debt case, which dates back to 2013.
In his native Mozambique, Chang is accused in three separate cases, according to the extradition request submitted by the office of Mozambique’s attorney general to the South African authorities in 2019, and which Lusa has seen.Chang was Mozambique’s finance minister during the government of President Armando Guebuza, between February 2005 and December 2014.
Civil society groups in South Africa and Mozambique have questioned whether Mozambique has the political will or capacity to mount a proper prosecution.Contrary to initial expectations, Chang was not extradited, as planned to Mozambique.
Now he was no longer in the hands of the South African police, but Interpol, which was taking care of all the paperwork required to put into effect the extradition order made by South African Justice Minster Ronald Lamola.
Interpol requires three documents from Mozambique – a formal arrest warrant against Chang, the charge sheet against the former minister, and proof that his parliamentary immunity has been lifted. He was elected to the Mozambican parliament, the Assembly of the Republic, as a deputy for the ruling Frelimo Party, in the 2014 general elections.
But he was not a candidate in the subsequent elections held in 2019, since by that time, he was already a detainee in a South African jail. The question of parliamentary immunity thus no longer arises.
The case popularly known as “Hidden Debts” in the country’s history, Chang guaranteed debts of over US$2.2 billion (about two billion euros) contracted in favor of public companies namely Proindicus, Ematum (Mozambican Tuna Company) and MAM (Mozambique Asset Management), linked to fishing and maritime security in Mozambique.
Reports further indicated that many US investors had lost money in what was described as a US$2 billion loan scam involving two banks, the Credit Suisse and the Russian VTB bank. The secrecy and corruption surrounding the loans dealt devastating blows to Mozambique’s credibility and reputation. It was the Wall Street Journal first revealed the hidden debt in April 2016.
The Maputo City Judicial Court has rejected the request for a list of 35 witnesses submitted by defence lawyers in the hidden debts case. The trial, which began August 23, is considered as the biggest corruption case in Mozambique’s history and will see 19 defendants in the dock, with 70 witnesses and 69 declarants, according reports.
The defendants include Guebuza’s son Armando Ndambi Guebuza, and ex-president Guebuza’s former private secretary Inês Moiane and political adviser Renato Matusse as well as former director-general of the State Information and Security Service (SISE), Gregório Leão, and former director of economic intelligence of the institution António Carlos do Rosário.
Among the witnesses listed in the application by the lawyers, which have since been rejected, are the Mozambican President, Filipe Nyusi; the Prime Minister, Carlos Agostinho do Rosário; the Mozambican Justice Minister, Helena Kida; and Agriculture Minister, Celso Correia.
Three Paths to Accelerating Digital Access in West and Central Africa
MD Africa Editor Kester Kenn Klomegah is an independent researcher and writer on African affairs in the EurAsian region and former Soviet republics. He wrote previously for African Press Agency, African Executive and Inter Press Service. Earlier, he had worked for The Moscow Times, a reputable English newspaper. Klomegah taught part-time at the Moscow Institute of Modern Journalism. He studied international journalism and mass communication, and later spent a year at the Moscow State Institute of International Relations. He co-authored a book “AIDS/HIV and Men: Taking Risk or Taking Responsibility” published by the London-based Panos Institute. In 2004 and again in 2009, he won the Golden Word Prize for a series of analytical articles on Russia’s economic cooperation with African countries.
Thoughts From the Frontline
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Just before the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic struck, just over half of the world’s population approximately (51%) had access to the internet compared with just 30% in Western and Central Africa. With the strict lockdown implemented during the pandemic, many services were only available to people across the region through the internet.
Ever since, the need for universal, affordable, and safe high-speed connectivity has increased exponentially. West African countries will not be left behind and will need to deepen reforms and attract the necessary investments for increased digitalization of services, an essential condition for strong, resilient, green economic growth and quality job creation.
The stakes are therefore high and the region is showing tremendous potential and opportunities. Although the challenges are not to be underestimated, this potential allows us to hope that West and Central Africa will accelerate the digitalization of its economy. What will it take? Three important steps:
First, we must tackle the digital divide to provide access, usage, and affordability of the internet. Many West and central African countries have been facing four main challenges: low network coverage and quality, high operating costs, barriers to market entry, lack of competition, and high operating and investment risks.
Providing financial services via mobile phones can be difficult when only 40% of West Africans own a cell phone. This underlines the existing disparity between “the haves” and the “have-nots” when it comes to access and affordability of devices, the internet, and digital tools. This disparity also disproportionately affects rural populations, women, and vulnerable groups in the region. And there are significant differences across Africa.
While people in the Central African Republic pay more than 20% of their average earnings for 1GB of mobile broadband data, Egyptians only pay 0.5%.
In Senegal, only 26% of small firms use smartphones, compared with 65% in Brazil. During a pandemic, access to a smartphone not only connects people via messaging, but it can be a useful tool for businesses and economies.
According to a World Bank/UN Broadband Commission report, it is estimated that the cost of closing this digital divide by 2030 in Africa alone will be US $100 billion.
This is why we must increase investments and attract the needed operators and strategic partners by mobilizing private capital, addressing capital risks, and building strategic alliances between governments and private operators.
We must also support the design and implementation of policies and regulations that de-risk and promote private investment in digital infrastructure. These two levers will help address the issues of affordability and make connectivity productive.
As digital infrastructure improves, there is a need for both the public and private sectors to promote and incentivize internet uptake by developing systems and applications that allow people to do meaningful transactions online, such as applying for government services, opening bank accounts, and applying for credit.
Unlocking New Opportunities with Digitalization
Second, we must build ‘digital stacks’. Our research estimates that half a billion people in Africa lack an official ID, making it difficult for them to access key services and thus being denied the opportunities being created by digitalization.
Identification systems in some countries in West Africa are not yet inclusive and trusted. Current manual, paper-based approaches for identifying their population makes it hard for governments and the private sector to improve how their services are delivered and to reduce fraud and waste.
Digital IDs aligned with the ten Principles on Identification for Sustainable Development offer a solution to this, providing the opportunity to expand and transform delivery of healthcare, education, financial, and other key services, especially for rural populations, women, and the most vulnerable groups.
The good news is that many African countries are well on their way to developing these processes, and many are doing so with technical and financial support from the World Bank and our Identification for Development (ID4D) initiative.
Digital IDs are one of three components of “digital stacks,” along with digital payments and trusted data platforms. A digital stack allows people and businesses to prove and verify their identity securely, make and receive payments fast and easily, and share and verify personal data, such as credit histories and academic qualifications.
Together, these functions unlock significant social and economic benefits and accelerate the transition to digital economies, societies and governments.
To succeed in the digital transformation agenda, we must work together to empower Africans with greater agency over their personal data and help governments ensure that cash transfers programs and services reach the right beneficiaries, reduce fraud and fiscal leakages.
This needs “whole-of-country” strategies, with strong leadership and coordination at the policy-level. It also needs the definition and implementation of common standards to ensure interoperability at the technical level, a strong data protection, and cybersecurity frameworks.
Finally, we must think boldly with regional and continental approaches. While continuing to drive digitalization efforts at the national level, West African countries must look beyond their own borders. I believe that success in the digital economy requires economies of scale and network effects far beyond what any individual country can muster on its own.
Time for a Single Digital Market in Africa.
Our research in East Africa shows that a more deeply integrated and competitive digital market among the six East African Community (EAC) countries alone would generate up to a US$2.6 billion boost in GDP and 4.5 million new jobs in the subregion. The potential of an integrated digital market in West Africa and at the continental scale is even greater.
To make this vision a reality, we need to support countries in modernizing and harmonizing telecoms and data policies and regulations to promote regional scale investments in broadband and cloud infrastructure and widespread access to relevant digital content and services – including in lagging areas. It will also require streamlining and harmonizing business registration and digital taxation policies, and enabling fast, low-cost, and reliable cross border digital to unlock digital trade and e-Commerce.
But none of this can happen overnight. A digital transformation in Africa will require greater leadership and collaboration from Governments, the Private Sector and Civil Society. We are working closely with sub-regional, continental and international partners, such as the African Union Commission (AUC), the Regional Economic Communities, and Smart Africa.
The COVID-19 pandemic shows a unique opportunity to reverse inequality and promote strong economic growth. Accelerating Africa’s digital transformation can be a part of this reality. It will require closing the digital divide, building digital stacks, and achieving a Single Digital Market. We need to act now.
The United Nations held a pre-Summit on Food Systems on July 26-28, 2021, as a primer for its first Global Food Summit coming up in September 2021. At this meeting, Jeffrey Sachs, American and popular Economist as well as UN Special Envoy on Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), made an important intervention. Many Africans were excited that Sachs called for the African Union, representing 1.4 billion people, to have a seat at a G-20 that transforms into G-21. The media focus has been on the tokenism of an AU seat, instead of many cogent issues that Sachs eloquently repeated.
I use repeated because this thought system dated from a long line of agitators for independence of Africa and scholars such as Dr. Walter Rodney in How Europe Underdeveloped Africa, andmore recently, Dr. Arikana Chihombori-Quao in many speeches and YouTube videos beyond her Africa 101: The Wake Up Call. Arikana was fired as African Union Ambassador to the United States by the African Union. Many an African, like myself, saw the termination of Arikana’s appointment as punitive. She dared to point out that colonialists never left Africa and showed how they continue to rip-off and exploit Africa.
Lucky for Arikana to have only lost her job. Walter Rodney lost his life. He was assassinated in 1980 at age 38. I am not aware that the riddle of who killed Rodney was ever solved. However, this illustrious Guyanese lives on through his works as an unsung great African hero. The Nobel Prize will always elude the likes of Rodney. If his type had been recognized it would have raised questions on the orthodoxy that Africa’s problems solely rests on African shoulders.
It is extremely helpful and hope raising to have an American Economist from the US articulating and showing the import of external dynamics on the continuing underdevelopment of Africa. He asked the pre-summit meeting to go into the history of why the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) remains in turmoil and poverty. Though Arikana articulated on this theme of the West causing turmoil in Africa in order to extract resources, Jeffrey Sachs rightly noted the extractions of King Leopold of Belgium’s claim to ownership of the Congo through to the CIA’s assassination of Patrice Lumumba and installed Mobutu Seseseko. Arikana details several assassinations of other visionary leaders of Africa as well as overthrow of others by colonialists operating under a different mode of imperialism referred to as neo-colonialism.
Jeffrey Sachs rightly pointed to Glencore’s extraction of cobalt from the DRC without responsibility or accountability to the sovereignty claims of the government of the DRC but paying taxes at Glencore’s home country for the insurance of continuing protection under the continuing destabilization of peace in the DRC – after all, weapons are not made in the DRC.
Arikana had called attention to the exploitation of Africans through loans from the world arena – especially the West, including from the Bretton Woods institutions. Of course, the US led some European powers, at the end of the Second World War, to design a United Nations at the political level and the Bretton Woods institutions at the economic level not to have tea parties but to rebuild and control the world for their interests with the architect being the primus inter pares (first among equals). The equals at the time were limited to the United Kingdom and France. Token veto rights were granted to Kuomingtang China and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) now Russia. Of course, in terms of tokenism, Egypt, Ethiopia, Liberia, and apartheid South Africa had token presence at the foundation of the UN. They were only needed to boost the pretense of having a multilateral entity that is “united”.
The claims of Europeans to ownership of Africa were ratified by the act of the US going ahead to with the formation of the UN without insisting on self-determination and the need for all territories being free and at the table from the beginning. Why should the US, the primus inter pares, insist for a place at the table for Africans? It new that the Europeans would have accused it of interference and probably called attention to the unsalutary situation of race relations in America, a situation that had benefitted and built America on the back of black people over centuries?
For me, what is important are the billions of African people, not mere political representation by the AU Envoy at a G-21. Does having the AU envoy at the G-21 meeting go beyond the protocol of just having an African sited for the sake of formality? Would it not be a reference point for legitimizing tokenism for Africans?
Just as it was in the beginning, so it remains that neither the UN Secretary-General nor the Presidents of the Bretton Woods institutions dare to intervene and call for a stop to the continuing structured ripping-off and exploitation of Africans. African leaders are not exonerated either. Most of them rip-off their continent and stash away proceeds of their loot with the cover of major powers from the West. In effect, there is a commonality of interests between bad African leaders and external powers ripping-off Africa.
I am not excusing most African leaders from their failure in moving Africa forward in spite of the active efforts to assassinate any that showed promise on developing Africa. If some Asian leaders could be focused and wiggle through structured underdevelopment, there must be enough of eternal excuses for the failure of African leaders ensure improved lives for their people. African bad leaders should have recognized the thorny paths to development and avoided them by creating alternative routes.
I doff my hat to Jeffrey Sachs even if he is more accommodative to African bad leadership. After all, African leaders cherish Westerners more. Nonetheless, I appreciate Sachs being current during his intervention by calling for vaccine equity as opposed to vaccine hoarding with respect to the global Covid-19 pandemic. Sachs noted that the US alone was able to raise 7 trillion dollars in loans -at zero interest- to fight the scourge when Africans neither raised a penny/cent nor a yuan. Hence, it was possible for the West to implement lockdowns with some little human face as opposed to what happened in Africa.
As usual, African leaders found it easier to go abegging for vaccine donations through the COVAX arrangement. I must be thankful to Western taxpayers that I got two doses of AstraZeneca vaccines through this modality even if European interests now say that the AstraZeneca vaccines produced in India will not have equal rights with those made in Europe and probably America.
Of course, Africans are naïve if they think that the little vaccines being received are out of love. Declaring the Indian version of AstraZeneca as not measuring up for ease of passage in Europe shows the long-term preferred interest on financial flows on vaccine purchases. This material interest is separate from the fear of Covid-19 mutants that are of concern to mankind in general. The relative abandonment of Africa on Ebola virus speaks volumes since this virus was not as virulent outside of Africa.
We should abhor tokenisms. Generally, they play on people’s intelligence. They also give false impressions, which in this case is the pretense that 1.4 billion Africans are brought on to the table. So, my apologies to Jeffrey Sachs for differing with his call for a stronger UN and at the same time wanting a seat for the African Union at the proposed G-21.
At the end of the Cold-War in 1990/1991, the weak countries called for a new world order in which the United Nations would be a stronger coordinator of our world for good. Boutros Boutros-Ghali got carried away and thought the call was for real. He learnt the hard way as the carpet was pulled under his feet and he became the only UN Secretary-General, so far, not elected for a second term. He over-relied on the French to save him by continuing to veto Kofi Annan with the hope that the decision would go to the General Assembly that would gang up against America and give him a second term. The French bargained and lifted their veto on Kofi Annan and history was made to have a black man at helms of the UN. Kofi Annan also thought he could be daring in his second term and say it truthfully as he saw it. He was almost fired. In summation, only the weak countries yearn for strong multilateralism.
From antecedents, what use is an African Union’s Envoy having a seat at a G-21 to join: Argentina, Australia, Brazil, Canada, China, France, Germany, India, Indonesia, Italy, Japan, Republic of Korea, Mexico, Russia, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, Turkey, the United Kingdom, the United States and the European Union? For me, not much.
Being at the table should not be because Africa has a population of 1.4 billion. Sitting at G-21 should be based on the summation of the material net worth of the African Union making worthwhile contributions. Slighting Nigeria, the G-20 has the token presence of South Africa. What food has the South African representation at meetings put on the table in Africa? What use would a ceremonial presence at the table be, without decision-making powers? Will AU presence stop Western companies from continuing with the underdevelopment of Africa? Will it remove the European resistance to having Africans manufacture vaccines through their sharing of knowledge? If anything, the token presence would legitimize an erroneous perception that Jeffrey Sachs is inadvertently selling: that of a multilateral G-21 would turn around and start to serve the developmental interests of Africans.
Power exists to bolster interests. Under Western competitive ideology as opposed to Yoruba “Omoluabi” (character plus integrity imbued with a we sharing spirit) or Zulu “Ubuntu” (I am because you are spirit), it would be naïve to expect that granting a seat to the African Union would see to the protection of African interests. It is a joke to call for higher taxation for the 2,700 billionaires of our world to allow an African child have access to safe drinking water or reduce maternal mortality rate in Africa not to talk of ensuring that Africans enjoy utmost freedom which I had put as an ideal situation of enjoying the summation of all the SDGs that Jeffrey Sachs advises the UN on.
I have no problem if the three billionaires wanting to create luxurious tastes and control space travels go to live in space and leave their billions behind with instructions to use their resources for realizing the SDGs as Sachs suggested in his intervention. But we know that the dominant ideology on earth does not support such orientation. Their respective billions would be invested for more material acquisitions irrespective of whether they need it or not.
By the way, does our world really need a G-21 when so many UN Agencies are doing their best but are deliberately underfunded as Jeffrey Sachs rightly noted? Should the League of Arab States (LAS); the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN); the Organization of American States (OAS) etc., not be entitled to their respective seats at a G-24? More importantly, will Sachs suggestion not further undermine the United Nations? I am sure he and I are agreed for a stronger UN even if I know that such will never happen.
For me, Prof. Sachs could be of much help to the 1.4 billion people of Africa, probably as opposed to their bad leaders, if he directs a detailed study that builds on the thoughts of Walter Rodney, Arikana etc., to unravel the mechanisms of continuing ripping-off and exploitation of Africans by private interests actively supported by their respective national governments and the Bretton Woods institutions etc. Such knowledge can help towards the implementation of policies that bolsters the SDGs by a new set of purposefully recruited African leaders.
The Southern African Development Community (SADC) held the 41st Ordinary Summit of Heads of State and government in Lilongwe, Malawi on 17 to 18 August 2021 with a limited number of participants. It was to observe strictly the COVID-19 protocols.
The summit held under the theme “Bolstering Productive Capacities in the Face of COVID-19 Pandemic for Inclusive, Sustainable, Economic and Industrial Transformation” was preceded by a Council of Ministers meeting held in hybrid format whereby limited number of delegates attended physically, while others participated through virtual platforms.
The chosen theme seeks to explore further effective ways to accelerate the implementation of the SADC Regional Indicative Strategic Development Plan (RISDP) 2020-2030, in particular, the Industrialization and Market Integration pillar.
During the Summit, Dr. Lazarus McCarthy Chakwera, President of Malawi took over the chairpersonship of SADC from Filipe Jacinto Nyusi, President of Mozambique who assumed the chairpersonship of SADC on 17 August, 2020 during the 40th SADC Summit.
Dr. Chakwera, the new Chairman of SADC and the President of the hosting country, in his speech underscored the following points: He reassured to pursue two key documents for the region: the SADC Regional Indicative Strategic Development Plan (RISDP) 2020-2030 and the SADC Vision 2050, as well as the establishment of SADC Humanitarian and Emergency Operations Center (SHOC).
To work on the inequalities and disparities in accessing COVID-19 vaccines are seriously hindering efforts to save the lives of millions in the SADC and must be tackled head on. The inequalities and disparities we are seeing in the distribution and production of COVID-19 vaccines are symptomatic of an old geopolitical framework that is no longer working, no longer sustainable, and no longer acceptable. African countries are full members of the global community.
The time has come to work on the African Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), and to seek economic sustainability, especially at a regional level like SADC. It is necessary to utilize the productive capacities and turn the economies into engines for sustainable growth. It is necessary revitalizing the agricultural sector, enhancing value addition, facilitating
trade, and simplifying rules of origin. The African Continental Free Trade Area has availed SADC the opportunity to become the breadbasket and export basket of Africa.
“But we must seize the moment. We must fully implement the SADC Industrialization Strategy and Road-map, SADC Regional Agriculture Policy and SADC Regional Infrastructure Development Master Plan, among others,” he stressed in his speech.
In line with the new SADC theme, the Government of Malawi is currently implementing the Malawi 2063, a vision focused on three drivers towards middle income status for the economy: Agricultural Productivity and Commercialization, Industrialization, and Urbanization.
In this regard, one of Malawi’s flagship projects is the Shire Valley Transformation Programme (SVTP) for the period 2018 to 2031 valued at $563 million. Its aim is increasing agricultural productivity and commercialization for targeted households in the Shire Valley, and to improve the sustainable management and utilization of natural resources. The true potential of this project lies in the opportunities for private sector participation from member states with the wherewithal for value addition chains towards industrialization. Such initiatives also benefit greatly from the Annual SADC Industrialization Week, which facilitates business linkages and promotes trade opportunities between member states.
“These are the tools for regional integration I promise to push for during my tenure as chair, because the time has come to turn our talk on regional integration into our walk. That is why Malawi will ensure that the 5th SADC Industrialization Week is held here
sometime this coming November to make this year’s theme a reality,” Dr McCarthy Chakwera, said, taking over the mantle of leadership of SADC.
Filipe Jacinto Nyusi, President of Mozambique, in handing over highlighted the following points: revitalizing trade across borders, enhancing industrial production within southern borders, and accelerating recovery of key sectors such as tourism.
The revival of the economies depends on the collective ability and step up the efforts toward economic stability, overcoming serious challenges together to eradicate poverty, food insecurity, and infrastructural underdevelopment, and build our region back better.
“We must therefore tackle the roadblocks standing in the way of our quest to reach this goal. One critical roadblock we must confront is the toxic nationalism that is causing some nations in the world to hoard millions of vaccine doses and deny other nations access to the same. Similarly, we must confront the toxic nationalism that is causing some regions in the world to deny other regions like SADC the rights to produce vaccines for their own populations,” he said.
According to him, “the key pillars of regional integration must be pursued and the goal of regional integration must be attained. We all agree that if we truly want inclusive and sustainable economic transformation across SADC, then regional integration is non-negotiable. We must enhance cross-border trade and investment in our region through the existing SADC mechanisms and where need be, introduce new ones.”
Filipe Nyusi added: “We must fully embrace industrialization as the most effective means of achieving the main goals of SADC namely: increased economic productivity; stronger regional integration; and reduced poverty for people living in the region. We must facilitate the free movement of our peoples in a manner commensurate with our shared conviction that we are truly a community of shared values and shared interests.”
Among the key highlights, the Executive Secretary of SADC, Dr. Stergomena Lawrence Tax, bids farewell to the SADC Heads of State and Government after serving for 8 years and welcoming a new SADC Executive Secretary. Coincidentally, Lawrence Tax was sworn in as the SADC Executive Secretary at the 33rd SADC Summit, which Malawi last hosted in Lilongwe in August, 2013.
In her farewell speech, she highlighted the achievements of SADC over the years, in terms of peace and security, consolidation of democracy, macro-economic convergence, industrialization, intra-trade, regional connectivity, access to energy, financial integration and inclusion, and mobile penetration.
As a national of the United Republic of Tanzania, Lawrence Tax also expressed her gratitude to the Government of the United Republic of Tanzania for the trust, and for nominating her for this position in 2013. She particularly expressed satisfaction on the progress made in empowering women, both economically, and in leadership positions in the region, and called for sustained and accelerated progress in women empowerment, and there still grounds to be covered.
In general, SADC had come a long way since the days of the liberation struggles, and the Region owed its cooperation, unity and development to the founders of this great organization whose sacrifices have enabled the level of transformation and successes it is enjoying today.
The Summit featured the following meetings and events: SADC Public Lecture under the theme: Promoting Digitalization for Revival of SADC Industrialization Agenda in the COVID era; Meeting of Standing Committee of Senior Officials and Finance Committee Meetings; Meeting of SADC Council of Ministers and SADC Organ Troika Summit.
The Summit took stock of progress made in promoting and deepening Regional Integration in line with SADC’s aspirations as espoused in the RISDP 2020-2030 and Vision 2050, which envisage a peaceful, inclusive, competitive, middle- to high-income industrialized Region where all citizens enjoy sustainable economic well-being, justice, and freedom.
Moussa Faki Mahamat, Chairperson of the African Union Commission; Dr. Vera Songwe, Executive Secretary of the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa; Dr. Akinwumi Adesina, President of the African Development Bank; Heads of Regional and International Organization; and Head of Mission and Members of Diplomatic Corp were present at the Summit in Malawi.
SADC in Brief:
SADC is an organization of 16 Member States established in 1980 as the Southern African Development Coordinating Conference (SADCC) and later in August, 1992 transformed into the Southern African Development Community (SADC).
The mission of SADC is to promote sustainable and equitable economic growth and socio-economic development through efficient, productive systems, deeper cooperation and integration, good governance and durable peace and security; so that the region emerges as a competitive and effective player in international relations and the world economy. Member States are Angola, Botswana, Comoros, Democratic Republic of Congo, Eswatini, Lesotho, Madagascar, Malawi, Mauritius, Mozambique, Namibia, Seychelles, South Africa, United Republic of Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe.
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